In history of regional political parties, survival of Tamil Nadu’s ruling DMK, is a political miracle

0
46


R. Kannan, the biographer of Anna and the author of ‘The DMK Years’, says that in grounding the movement in territorial terms, Anna had made it inclusive, thus avoiding the pitfalls of the inchoate parent Kazhagam’s scheme. The public launch of the DMK took place at the Robinson Park at Royapuram in Chennai on September 18, 1948.

R. Kannan, the biographer of Anna and the author of ‘The DMK Years’, says that in grounding the movement in territorial terms, Anna had made it inclusive, thus avoiding the pitfalls of the inchoate parent Kazhagam’s scheme. The public launch of the DMK took place at the Robinson Park at Royapuram in Chennai on September 18, 1948.
| Photo Credit: THE HINDU ARCHIVES

Seventy five years is a long period in the history of a regional political parties. Even the Russian Revolution, which shook the world, crumbled under inner contradictions after 74 years. The survival of the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK), the ruling party of Tamil Nadu, is a political miracle. In 75 years, the party has seen splits, electoral routs, dismissal from power, challenges from proliferation of political parties in the Tamil landscape and emergence of the BJP. But nothing seems to dampen the spirit of the party, which is celebrating its 75th anniversary along with ‘Mupperum Vizha’ (a three-event celebration) in a grand manner under the leadership of party president and Chief Minister M.K. Stalin.

Today, the DMK has a substantial presence in Indian Parliament, a feat by a party that once advocated separatism. ‘Adainthal Dravida Nadu Illaientral Sudukadu’ (Dravida Nadu or Death) was the slogan of the DMK founder, C.N. Annadurai (Anna), and his followers, whom he affectionately addressed as ‘thambis’ (younger brothers). But, he gave up the demand after the India-China War in 1962 as it could have resulted in a ban on the party.

‘Reinvented itself to stay relevant’

Practical approach and adopting a policy to suit changing times have always been the strategy of the DMK since its inception. It has constantly reinvented itself to stay relevant in politics.

Anna decided to name his party Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam and not Dravidar Munnetra Kazhagam after he fell out with his mentor E.V. Ramasamy Periyar, who had founded the Dravidar Kazhagam.

Anna’s statement, read out by late V.R. Nedunchezian on September 17, 1949, explains his practical approach.

“Unlike the Dravidar Kazhagam, which fought only for racial welfare, we have to struggle based on geography for the good of the entire Dravidam. I, humbly, believe that instead of Dravidar Munnetra Kazhagam, it would be appropriate in all respects for our party to have the name Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam,” said Anna.

R. Kannan, the biographer of Anna and the author of ‘The DMK Years’, says that in grounding the movement in territorial terms, Anna had made it inclusive, thus avoiding the pitfalls of the inchoate parent Kazhagam’s scheme.

The public launch of the DMK took place at the Robinson Park at Royapuram in Chennai on September 18, 1948.

In the beginning, the party was interested solely in social reconstruction and intellectual resurrection, and not in politics. But circumstances were ideal for the party to take a political plunge.

‘Used public sympathy’

“It did not take the DMK long to discover that a reform movement popularly supported could not long remain on the political periphery, if it was to survive. Coming alive at a time when the Congress popularity was being steadily eroded and the Communists were in prison or underground, the DMK became rapidly politicised. Between 1948 and 1951, at the height of terror against the Communists, DMK leaders and especially M. Karunanidhi eloquently condemned the Congress’s repression and used the public sympathy for the Communists in their own interest,” writes Mythili Sivaraman in her essay, The Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam: The Content of its Ideology, which is part of the book — Haunted by Fire: Essays on Caste, Class, Exploitation and Emancipation.

She also argues that the revisionist trend of the Communist Party of India, which became prominent around 1958, contributed to the growth of the DMK. “As a reform movement it [DMK] had brought the poorer sections within its fold and to sustain their support it was forced to articulate their aspirations,” she writes.

The DMK was unstoppable after its victory in 1967. “The scarcity of rice and the 1965 anti-Hindi agitation had primed the DMK to take power in 1967. Stitching a rainbow alliance with the Left and the Right, and promising three measures of rice for a rupee, Anna rode to power that year,” writes Mr. Kannan.

Karunanidhi, who had a huge following in the party, filled the vacuum after the untimely death of Anna in 1969. Though he succeeded in bringing the party under his control, shutting the role for joint-leadership that flourished during Anna’s time, it is clear that no other leader could have sustained the party like him during difficult times, including the sacking of M.G. Ramachandran (MGR) from the party, the launch of AIADMK and its victory in the election and DMK’s status as an opposition for 13 years.

The DMK for all its achievements and social reforms has allowed itself to be reduced to a caucus. Mr. Stalin made an attempt to clip the wings of regional satraps–district secretaries–who are powerful in the DMK, had to reverse his decision and offered seats to their sons and daughters. His Minister-son Udhayanidhi is waiting in the wings for a bigger role. The AIADMK, a divided house, has made it easy for the DMK so far. But it cannot afford to have complacency.



Source link